History of the World/History of the World (Bureau Development, Inc.)(1992).BIN/dp/0249/02497.txt

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$Title{Letters Of Cicero
Part II}
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Title:       Letters Of Cicero
Author:      Cicero, Marcus Tullius
Date:        65bc
Translation: Shuckburg, E.S.

Part II

Letter 7: To Atticus (in Epirus), Rome, September, 57 B.C.

     Directly I arrived at Rome, and there was anyone to whom I could safely
intrust a letter for you, I thought the very first thing I ought to do was to
congratulate you in your absence on my return. For I knew, to speak candidly,
that though in giving me advice you had not been more courageous or far -
seeing than myself, nor - considering my devotion to you in the past - too
careful in protecting me from disaster, yet that you - though sharing in the
first instance inlmy mistake, or rather madness, and in my groundless terror -
had nevertheless been deeply grieved at our separation, and had bestowed
immense pains, zeal, care, and labour in securing my return. Accordingly, I
can truly assure you of this, that in the midst of supreme joy and the most
gratifying congratulations, the one thing wanting to fill my cup of happiness
to the brim is the sight of you, or rather your embrace; and if I ever forfeit
that again, when I have once got possession of it, and if, too, I do not exact
the full delights of your charming society that have fallen into arrear in the
past, I shall certainly consider myself unworthy of this renewal of my good
fortune.

     In regard to my political position, I have resumed what I thought there
would be the utmost difficulty in recovering - my brilliant standing at the
bar, my influence in the senate, and a popularity with the loyalists even
greater than I desired. In regard, however, to my private property - as to
which you are well aware to what an extent it has been crippled, scattered,
and plundered - I am in great difficulties, and stand in need, not so much of
your means (which I look upon as my own), as of your advice for collecting and
restoring to a sound state the fragments that remain. For the present, though
I believe everything funds its way to you in the letters of your friends, or
even by messengers and rumour, yet I will write briefly what I think you would
like to learn from my letters above all others. On the 4th of August I started
from Dyrrachium, the very day on which the law about me was carried. I arrived
at Brundisium on the 5th of August. There my dear Tulliola met me on what was
her own birthday, which happened also to be the name - day of the colony of
Brundisium and of the temple of Safety, near your house. This coincidence was
noticed and celebrated with warm congratulations by the citizens of
Brundisium. On the 8th of August, while still at Brundisium, I learnt by a
letter from Quintus that the law had been passed at the comitia centuriata
with a surprising enthusiasm on the part of all ages and ranks, and with an
incredible influx of voters from Italy. I then commenced my journey, amidst
the compliments of the men of highest consideration at Brundisium, and was met
at every point by legates bearing congratulations. My arrival in the
neighbourhood of the city was the signal for every soul of every order known
to my nomenclator coming out to meet me, except those enemies who could not
either dissemble or deny the fact of their being such. On my arrival at the
Porta Capena, the steps of the temples were already thronged from top to
bottom by the populace; and while their congratulations were displayed by the
loudest possible applause, a similar throng and similar applause accompanied
me right up to the Capitol, and in the forum and on the Capitol itself there
was again a wonderful crowd. Next day, in the senate, that is, the 5th of
September, I spoke my thanks to the senators. Two days after that - there
having been a very heavy rise in the price of corn, and great crowds having
flocked first to the theatre and then to the senate-house, shouting out, at
the instigation of Clodius, that the scarcity of corn was my doing - meetings
of the senate being held on those days to discuss the corn question, and
Pompey being called upon to undertake the management of its supply in the
common talk not only of the plebs, but of the aristocrats also, and being
himself desirous of the commission, when the people at large called upon me by
name to support a decree to that effect, I did so, and gave my vote in a
carefully worded speech. The other consulars, except Messalla and Afranius,
having absented themselves on the ground that they could not vote with safety
to themselves, a decree of the senate was passed in the sense of my motion,
namely, that Pompey should be appealed to to undertake the business, and that
a law should be proposed to that effect. This decree of the senate having been
publicly read, and the people having, after the senseless and newfangled
custom that now prevails, applauded the mention of my name, I delivered a
speech. All the magistrates present, except one praetor and two tribunes,
called on me to speak. Next day a full senate, including all the consulars,
granted everything that Pompey asked for. Having demanded fifteen legates, he
named me first in the list, and said that he should regard me in all things as
a second self. The consuls drew up a law by which complete control over the
corn-supply for five years throughout the whole world was given to Pompey. A
second law is drawn up by Messius, granting him power over all money, and
adding a fleet and army, and an imperium in the provinces superior to that of
their governors. After that our consular law seems moderate indeed: that of
Messius is quite intolerable. Pompey professes to prefer the former; his
friends the latter. The consulars led by Favonius murmur: I hold my tongue,
the more so that the pontifices have as yet given no answer in regard to my
house. If they annul the consecration I shall have a splendid site. The
consuls, in accordance with a decree of the senate, will value the cost of the
building that stood upon it; but if the pontifices decide otherwise, they will
pull down the Clodian building, give out a contract in their own name (for a
temple), and value to me the cost of a site and house. So our affairs are

"For happy though but ill, for ill not worst."

     In regard to money matters I am, as you know, much embarrassed. Besides,
there are certain domestic troubles, which I do not intrust to writing. My
brother Quintus I love as he deserves for his eminent qualities of loyalty,
virtue, and good faith. I am longing to see you, and beg you to hasten your
return, resolved not to allow me to be without the benefit of your advice. I
am on the threshold, as it were, of a second life. Already certain persons who
defended me in my absence begin to nurse a secret grudge at me now that I am
here, and to make no secret of their jealousy. I want you very much.

Letter 8: To His Brother Quintus (in Sardinia), Rome, 12 February, 56 B.C.

     I have already told you the earlier proceedings; now let me describe what
was done afterwards. The legations were postponed from the 1st of February to
the 13th. On the former day our business was not brought to a settlement. On
the 2nd of February Milo appeared for trial. Pompey came to support him.
Marcellus spoke on being called upon by me. We came off with flying colours.
The case was adjourned to the 7th. Meanwhile (in the senate), the legations
having been postponed to the 13th, the business of allotting the quaestors and
furnishing the outfit of the praetors was brought before the house. But
nothing was done, because many speeches were interposed denouncing the state
of the Republic. Gaius Cato published his bill for the recall of Lentulus,
whose son thereon put on mourning. On the 7th Milo appeared. Pompey spoke, or
rather wished to speak. For as soon as he got up Clodius' ruffians raised a
shout, and throughout his whole speech he was interrupted, not only by hostile
cries, but by personal abuse and insulting remarks. However, when he had
finished his speech - for he shewed great courage in these circumstances, he
was not cowed, he said all he had to say, and at times had by his commanding
presence even secured silence for his words - well, when he had finished, up
got Clodius. Our party received him with such a shout - for they had
determined to pay him out - that he lost all presence of mind, power of
speech, or control over his countenance. This went on up to two o'clock -
Pompey having finished his speech at noon - and every kind of abuse, and
finally epigrams of the most outspoken indecency, were uttered against Clodius
and Clodia. Mad and livid with rage, Clodius, in the very midst of the
shouting, kept putting questions to his claque: "Who was it who was starving
the commons to death?" His ruffians answered, "Pompey." "Who wanted to be sent
to Alexandria?" They answered, "Pompey." "Whom did they wish to go?" They
answered, "Crassus." The latter was present at the time with no friendly
feelings to Milo. About three o'clock, as though at a given signal, the
Clodians began spitting at our men. There was an outburst of rage. They began
a movement for forcing us from our ground. Our men charged: his ruffians
turned tail. Clodius was pushed off the rostra: and then we too made our
escape for fear of mischief in the riot. The senate was summoned into the
Curia: Pompey went home. However, I did not myself enter the senatehouse, lest
I should be obliged either to refrain from speaking on matters of such
gravity, or in defending Pompey (for he was being attacked by Bibulus, Curio,
Favonius, and Servilius the younger) should give offence to the loyalists. The
business was adjourned to the next day. Clodius fixed the Quirinalia (17th of
February) for his prosecution. On the 8th the senate met in the temple of
Apollo, that Pompey might attend. Pompey made an impressive speech. That day
nothing was concluded. On the 9th in the temple of Apollo a decree passed the
senate "that what had taken place on the 7th of February was treasonable." On
this day Cato warmly inveighed against Pompey, and throughout his speech
arraigned him as though he were at the bar. He said a great deal about me, to
my disgust, though it was in very laudatory terms. When he attacked Pompey's
perfidy to me, he was listened to in profound silence on the part of my
enemies. Pompey answered him boldly with a palpable allusion to Crassus, and
said outright that "he would take better precautions to protect his life than
Africanus had done, whom C. Carbo had assassinated." Accordingly, important
events appear to me to be in the wind. For Pompey understands what is going
on, and imparts to me that plots are being formed against his life, that Gaius
Cato is being supported by Crassus, that money is being supplied to Clodius,
that both are backed by Crassus and Curio, as well as by Bibulus and his other
detractors: that he must take extraordinary precautions to prevent being
overpowered by that demagogue - with a people all but wholly alienated, a
nobility hostile, a senate ill-affected, and the younger men corrupt. So he
is making his preparations and summoning men from the country. On his part,
Clodius is rallying his gangs: a body of men is being got together for the
Quirinalia. For that occasion we are considerably in a majority, owing to the
forces brought up by Pompey himself: and a large contingent is expected from
Picenum and Gallia, to enable us to throw out Cato's bills also about Milo and
Lentulus.

     On the 10th of February an indictment was lodged against Sestius for
bribery by the informer Cn. Nerius, of the Pupinian tribe, and on the same day
by a certain M. Tullius for riot. He was ill. I went at once, as I was bound
to do, to his house, and put myself wholly at his service: and that was more
than people expected, who thought that I had good cause for being angry with
him. The result is that my extreme kindness and grateful disposition are made
manifest both to Sestius himself and to all the world, and I shall be as good
as my word. But this same informer Nerius also named Cn. Lentulus Vatia and C.
Cornelius to the commissioners. On the same day a decree passed the senate
"that political clubs and associations should be broken up, and that a law in
regard to them should be brought in, enacting that those who did not break off
from them should be liable to the same penalty as those convicted of riot."

     On the 11th of February I spoke in defence of Bestia on a charge of
bribery before the praetor Cn. Domitius, in the middle of the forum and in a
very crowded court; and in the course of my speech I came to the incident of
Sestius, after receiving many wounds, in the temple of Castor, having been
preserved by the aid of Bestia. Here I took occasion to pave the way
beforehand for a refutation of the charges which are being got up against
Sestius, and I passed a well-deserved encomium upon him with the cordial
approval of everybody. He was himself very much delighted with it. I tell you
this because you have often advised me in your letters to retain the
friendship of Sestius. I am writing this on the 12th of February before
daybreak; the day on which I am to dine with Pomponius on the occasion of his
wedding.

     Our position in other respects is such as you used to cheer my
despondency by telling me it would be - one of great dignity and popularity:
this is a return to old times for you and me effected, my brother, by your
patience, high character, loyalty, and, I may also add, your conciliatory
manners. The house of Licinius, near the grove of Piso, has been taken for
you. But, as I hope, in a few months' time, after the 1st of July, you will
move into your own. Some excellent tenants, the Lamiae, have taken your house
in Carinae. I have received no letter from you since the one dated Olbia. I am
anxious to hear how you are and what you find to amuse you, but above all to
see you yourself as soon as possible. Take care of your health, my dear
brother, and though it is winter time, yet reflect that after all it is
Sardinia that you are in.

     15 February.

Letter 9: To Atticus (Returning from Epirus), Antium, April, 56 B.C.

     It will be delightful if you come to see us here. You will find that
Tyrannio has made a wonderfully good arrangement of my books, the remains of
which are better than I had expected. Still, I wish you would send me a couple
of your library slaves for Tyrannio to employ as gluers, and in other
subordinate work, and tell them to get some fine parchment to make title -
pieces, which you Greeks, I think, call "sillybi." But all this is only if not
inconvenient to you. In any case, be sure you come yourself, if you can halt
for a while in such a place, and can persuade Pilia to accompany you. For that
is only fair, and Tulia is anxious that she should come. My word! You have
purchased a fine troop! Your gladiators, I am told, fight superbly. If you had
chosen to let them out you would have cleared your expenses by the last two
spectacles. But we will talk about this later on. Be sure to come, and, as you
love me, see about the library slaves.

Letter 10: To L. Lucceius, Arpinum, April, 56 B.C.

     I have often tried to say to you personally what I am about to write, but
was prevented by a kind of almost clownish bashfulness. Now that I am not in
your presence I shall speak out more boldly: a letter does not blush. I am
inflamed with an inconceivably ardent desire, and one, as I think, of which I
have no reason to be ashamed, that in a history written by you my name should
be conspicuous and frequently mentioned with praise. And though you have often
shewn me that you meant to do so, yet I hope you will pardon my impatience.
For the style of your composition, though I had always entertained the highest
expectations of it, has yet surpassed my hopes, and has taken such a hold upon
me, or rather has so fired my imagination, that I was eager to have my
achievements as quickly as possible put on record in your history. For it is
not only the thought of being spoken of by future ages that makes me snatch at
what seems a hope of immortality, but it is also the desire of fully enjoying
in my lifetime an authoritative expression of your judgment, or a token of
your kindness for me, or the charm of your genius. Not, however, that while
thus writing I am unaware under what heavy burdens you are labouring in the
portion of history you have undertaken, and by this time have begun to write.
But because I saw that your history of the Italian and Civil Wars was now all
but finished, and because also you told me that you were already embarking
upon the remaining portions of your work, I determined not to lose my chance
for the want of suggesting to you to consider whether you preferred to weave
your account of me into the main context of your history, or whether, as many
Greek writers have done - Callisthenes, the Phocian War; Timaeus, the war of
Pyrrhus; Polybius, that of Numantia; all of whom separated the wars I have
named from their main narratives - you would, like them, separate the civil
conspiracy from public and external wars. For my part, I do not see that it
matters much to my reputation, but it does somewhat concern my impatience,
that you should not wait till you come to the proper place, but should at once
anticipate the discussion of that question as a whole and the history of that
epoch. And at the same time, if your whole thoughts are engaged on one
incident and one person, I can see in imagination how much fuller your
material will be, and how much more elaborately worked out. I am quite aware,
however, what little modesty I display, first, in imposing on you so heavy a
burden (for your engagements may well prevent your compliance with my
request), and in the second place, in asking you to shew me off to advantage.
What if those transactions are not in your judgment so very deserving of
commendation? Yet, after all, a man who has once passed the border-line of
modesty had better put a bold face on it and be frankly impudent. And so I
again and again ask you outright, both to praise those actions of mine in
warmer terms than you perhaps feel, and in that respect to neglect the laws of
history. I ask you, too, in regard to the personal predilection, on which you
wrote in a certain introductory chapter in the most gratifying and explicit
terms - and by which you shew that you were as incapable of being diverted as
Xenophon's Hercules by Pleasure - not to go against it, but to yield to your
affection for me a little more than truth shall justify. But if I can induce
you to undertake this, you will have, I am persuaded, matter worthy of your
genius and your wealth of language. For from the beginning of the conspiracy
to my return from exile it appears to me that a moderate-sized monograph
might be composed, in which you will, on the one hand, be able to utilize your
special knowledge of civil disturbances, either in unravelling the causes of
the revolution or in proposing remedies for evils, blaming meanwhile what you
think deserves denunciation, and establishing the righteousness of what you
approve by explaining the principles on which they rest: and on the other
hand, if you think it right to be more outspoken (as you generally do), you
will bring out the perfidy, intrigues, and treachery of many people towards
me. For my vicissitudes will supply you in your composition with much variety,
which has in itself a kind of charm, capable of taking a strong hold on the
imagination of readers, when you are the writer. For nothing is better fitted
to interest a reader than variety of circumstance and vicissitudes of fortune,
which, though the reverse of welcome to us in actual experience, will make
very pleasant reading: for the untroubled recollection of a past sorrow has a
charm of its own. To the rest of the world, indeed, who have had no trouble
themselves, and who look upon the misfortunes of others without any suffering
of their own, the feeling of pity is itself a source of pleasure. For what man
of us is not delighted, though feeling a certain compassion too, with the
death-scene of Epaminondas at Mantinea? He, you know, did not allow the dart
to be drawn from his body until he had been told, in answer to his question,
that his shield was safe, so that in spite of the agony of his wound he died
calmly and with glory. Whose interest is not roused and sustained by the
banishment and return of Themistocles? Truly the mere chronological record of
the annals has very little charm for us - little more than the entries in the
fasti: but the doubtful and varied fortunes of a man, frequently of eminent
character, involve feelings of wonder, suspense, joy, sorrow, hope, fear: if
these fortunes are crowned with a glorious death, the imagination is satisfied
with the most fascinating delight which reading can give. Therefore it will be
more in accordance with my wishes if you come to the resolution to separate
from the main body of your narrative, in which you embrace a continuous
history of events, what I may call the drama of my actions and fortunes: for
it includes varied acts, and shifting scenes both of policy and circumstance.
Nor am I afraid of appearing to lay snares for your favour by flattering
suggestions, when I declare that I desire to be complimented and mentioned
with praise by you above all other writers. For you are not the man to be
ignorant of your own powers, or not to be sure that those who withhold their
admiration of you are more to be accounted jealous, than those who praise you
flatterers. Nor, again, am I so senseless as to wish to be consecrated to an
eternity of fame by one who, in so consecrating me, does not also gain for
himself the glory which rightfully belongs to genius. For the famous Alexander
himself did not wish to be painted by Apelles, and to have his statue made by
Lysippus above all others, merely from personal favour to them, but because he
thought that their art would be a glory at once to them and to himself. And,
indeed, those artists used to make images of the person known to strangers:
but if such had never existed, illustrious men would yet be no less
illustrious. The Spartan Agesilaus, who would not allow a portrait of himself
to be painted or a statue made, deserves to be quoted as an example quite as
much as those who have taken trouble about such representations: for a single
pamphlet of Xenophon's in praise of that king has proved much more effective
than all the portraits and statues of them all. And, moreover, it will more
redound to my present exultation and the honour of my memory to have found my
way into your history, than if I had done so into that of others, in this,
that I shall profit not only by the genius of the writer - as Timoleon did by
that of Timaeus, Themistocles by that of Herodotus - but also by the authority
of a man of a most illustrious and well-established character, and one well
known and of the first repute for his conduct in the most important and
weighty matters of state; so that I shall seem to have gained not only the
fame which Alexander on his visit to Sigeum said had been bestowed on Achilles
by Homer, but also the weighty testimony of a great and illustrious man. For I
like that saying of Hector in Naevius, who not only rejoices that he is
"praised," but adds, "and by one who has himself been praised." But if I fail
to obtain my request from you, which is equivalent to saying, if you are by
some means prevented - for I hold it to be out of the question that you would
refuse a request of mine - I shall perhaps be forced to do what certain
persons have often found fault with, write my own panegyric, a thing, after
all, which has a precedent of many illustrious men. But it will not escape
your notice that there are the following drawbacks in a composition of that
sort: men are bound, when writing of themselves, both to speak with greater
reserve of what is praiseworthy, and to omit what calls for blame. Added to
which such writing carries less conviction, less weight; many people, in fine,
carp at it, and say that the heralds at the public games are more modest, for
after having placed garlands on the other recipients and proclaimed their
names in a loud voice, when their own turn comes to be presented with a
garland before the games break up, they call in the services of another
herald, that they may not declare themselves victors with their own voice. I
wish to avoid all this, and, if you undertake my cause, I shall avoid it: and,
accordingly, I ask you this favour. But why, you may well ask, when you have
already often assured me that you intended to record in your book with the
utmost minuteness the policy and events of my consulship, do I now make this
request to you with such earnestness and in so many words? The reason is to be
found in that burning desire, of which I spoke at the beginning of my letter,
for something prompt: because I am in a flutter of impatience, both that men
should learn what I am from your book, while I am still alive, and that I may
myself in my lifetime have the full enjoyment of my little bit of glory. What
you intend doing on this subject I should like you to write me word, if not
troublesome to you. For if you do undertake the subject, I will put together
some notes of all occurrences: but if you put me off to some future time, I
will talk the matter over with you. Meanwhile, do not relax your efforts, and
thoroughly polish what you have already on the stocks, and - continue to love
me.

Letter 11: To M. Fadius Gallus, Rome, May, 55 B.C.

     I had only just arrived from Arpinum when your letter was delivered to
me; and from the same bearer I received a letter from Avianius, in which there
was this most liberal offer, that when he came to Rome he would enter my debt
to him on whatever day I chose. Pray put yourself in my place: is it
consistent with your modesty or mine, first to prefer a request as to the day,
and then to ask more than a year's credit? But, my dear Gallus, everything
would have been easy, if you had bought the things I wanted, and only up to
the price that I wished. However, the purchases which, according to your
letter, you have made shall not only be ratified by me, but with gratitude
besides: for I fully understand that you have displayed zeal and affection in
purchasing (because you thought them worthy of me) things which pleased
yourself - a man, as I have ever thought, of the most fastidious judgment in
all matters of taste. Still, I should like Damasippus to abide by his
decision: for there is absolutely none of those purchases that I care to have.
But you, being unacquainted with my habits, have bought four or five of your
selection at a price at which I do not value any statues in the world. You
compare your Bacchae with Metellus' Muses. Where is the likeness? To begin
with, I should never have considered the Muses worth all that money, and I
think all the Muses would have approved my judgment: still, it would have been
appropriate to a library, and in harmony with my pursuits. But Bacchae! What
place is there in my house for them? But you will say, they are pretty. I know
them very well and have often seen them. I would have commissioned you
definitely in the case of statues known to me, if I had decided on them. The
sort of statues that I am accustomed to buy are such as may adorn a place in a
palaestra after the fashion of gymnasia. What, again, have I, the promoter of
peace, to do with a statue of Mars? I am glad there was not a statue of Saturn
also: for I should have thought these two statues had brought me debt! I
should have preferred some representation of Mercury: I might then, I suppose,
have made a more favourable bargain with Arrianus. You say you meant the table
- stand for yourself; well, if you like it, keep it. But if you have changed
your mind I will, of course, have it. For the money you have laid out, indeed,
I would rather have purchased a place of call at Tarracina, to prevent my
being always a burden on my host. Altogether I perceive that the fault is with
my freedman, whom I had distinctly commissioned to purchase certain definite
things, and also with Iunius, whom I think you know, an intimate friend of
Avianius. I have constructed some new sitting-rooms in a miniature colonnade
on my Tusculan property. I want to ornament them with pictures: for if I take
pleasure in anything of that sort it is in painting. However, if I am to have
what you have bought, I should like you to inform me where they are, when they
are to be fetched, and by what kind of conveyance. For if Damasippus doesn't
abide by his decision, I shall look for some would-be Damasippus, even at a
loss.

     As to what you say about the house, as I was going out of town I
intrusted the matter to my daughter Tullia: for it was at the very hour of my
departure that I got your letter. I also discussed the matter with your friend
Nicias, because he is, as you know, intimate with Cassius. On my return,
however, before I got your last letter, I asked Tullia what she had done. She
said that she had approached Licinia (though I think Cassius is not very
intimate with his sister), and that she at once said that she could venture,
in the absence of her husband (Dexius is gone to Spain), to change houses
without his being there and knowing about it. I am much gratified that you
should value association with me and my domestic life so highly as, in the
first place, to take a house which would enable you to live not only near me,
but absolutely with me, and, in the second place, to be in such a hurry to
make this change of residence. But, upon my life, I do not yield to you in
eagerness for that arrangement. So I will try every means in my power. For I
see the advantage to myself, and, indeed, the advantages to us both. If I
succeed in doing anything, I will let you know. Mind you also write me word
back on everything, and let me know, if you please, when I am to expect you.

Letter 12: To M. Marius (at Cumae), Rome, October (?), 55 B.C.

     If some bodily pain or weakness of health has prevented your coming to
the games, I put it down to fortune rather than your own wisdom: but if you
have made up your mind that these things which the rest of the world admires
are only worthy of contempt, and, though your health would have allowed of it,
you yet were unwilling to come, then I rejoice at both facts - that you were
free from bodily pain, and that you had the sound sense to disdain what others
causelessly admire. Only I hope that some fruit of your leisure may be
forthcoming, a leisure, indeed, which you had a splendid opportunity of
enjoying to the full, seeing that you were left almost alone in your lovely
country. For I doubt not that in that study of yours, from which you have
opened a window into the Stabian waters of the bay, and obtained a view of
Misenum, you have spent the morning hours of those days in light reading,
while those who left you there were watching the ordinary farces half asleep.
The remaining parts of the day, too, you spent in the pleasures which you had
yourself arranged to suit your own taste, while we had to endure whatever had
met with the approval of Spurius Maecius. On the whole, if you care to know,
the games were most splendid, but not to your taste. I judge from my own. For,
to begin with, as a special honour to the occasion, those actors had come back
to the stage who, I thought, had left it for their own. Indeed, your
favourite, my friend Aesop, was in such a state that no one could say a word
against his retiring from the profession. On beginning to recite the oath his
voice failed him at the words "If I knowingly deceive." Why should I go on
with the story? You know all about the rest of the games, which hadn't even
that amount of charm which games on a moderate scale generally have: for the
spectacle was so elaborate as to leave no room for cheerful enjoyment, and I
think you need feel no regret at having missed it. For what is the pleasure of
a train of six hundred mules in the "Clytemnestra," or three thousand bowls in
the "Trojan Horse," or gay-coloured armour of infantry and cavalry in some
battle? These things roused the admiration of the vulgar; to you they would
have brought no delight. But if during those days you listened to your reader
Protogenes, so long at least as he read anything rather than my speeches,
surely you had far greater pleasure than any one of us. For I don't suppose
you wanted to see Greek or Oscan plays, especially as you can see Oscan farces
in your senate-house over there, while you are so far from liking Greeks,
that you generally won't even go along the Greek road to your villa. Why,
again, should I suppose you to care about missing the athletes, since you
disdained the gladiators? in which even Pompey himself confesses that he lost
his trouble and his pains. There remain the two wild-beast hunts, lasting
five days, magnificent - nobody denies it - and yet, what pleasure can it be
to a man of refinement, when either a weak man is torn by an extremely
powerful animal, or a splendid animal is transfixed by a hunting spear? Things
which, after all, if worth seeing, you have often seen before; nor did I, who
was present at the games, see anything the least new. The last day was that of
the elephants, on which there was a great deal of astonishment on the part of
the vulgar crowd, but no pleasure whatever. Nay, there was even a certain
feeling of compassion aroused by it, and a kind of belief created that that
animal has something in common with mankind. However, for my part, during this
day, while the theatrical exhibitions were on, lest by chance you should think
me too blessed, I almost split my lungs in defending your friend Caninius
Gallus. But if the people were as indulgent to me as they were to Aesop, I
would, by heaven, have been glad to abandon my profession and live with you
and others like us. The fact is I was tired of it before, even when both age
and ambition stirred me on, and when I could also decline any defence that I
didn't like; but now, with things in the state that they are, there is no life
worth having. For, on the one hand, I expect no profit of my labour; and, on
the other, I am sometimes forced to defend men who have been no friends to me,
at the request of those to whom I am under obligations. Accordingly, I am on
the look-out for every excuse for at last managing my life according to my
own taste, and I loudly applaud and vehemently approve both you and your
retired plan of life: and as to your infrequent appearances among us, I am the
more resigned to that because, were you in Rome, I should be prevented from
enjoying the charm of your society, and so would you of mine, if I have any,
by the overpowering nature of my engagements; from which, if I get any relief
- for entire release I don't expect - I will give even you, who have been
studying nothing else for many years, some hints as to what it is to live a
life of cultivated enjoyment. Only be careful to nurse your weak health and to
continue your present care of it, so that you may be able to visit my country
houses and make excursions with me in my litter. I have written you a longer
letter than usual, from superabundance, not of leisure, but of affection,
because, if you remember, you asked me in one of your letters to write you
something to prevent you feeling sorry at having missed the games. And if I
have succeeded in that, I am glad: if not, I yet console myself with this
reflexion, that in future you will both come to the games and come to see me,
and will not leave your hope of enjoyment dependent on my letters.